The ANCA closely tracks the performance of every incumbent Senator and Representative across a broad array of pro-Armenian legislative metrics, carefully scores and objectively grades each legislator, and then – as a public service to voters interested in factoring our insights into the diverse set of criteria they consider when voting – widely circulates non-biased, fact-driven, merit-based Report Cards and Endorsements each election cycle.

Choose your state on the map below or in the “Select State” dropbox to view the report cards of all House Members and Senate Members.

2010 Grade
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2016
2014
2012
2010
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Cosponsor of H.Res.252, Armenian Genocide Res. Affirming U.S. Record? YES
Voted for H.Res.252 in the House Foreign Affairs Committee? N/A
Signed the July 2009 letter to President Obama condemning the Turkey-Armenia Roadmap Agreement? YES
Signed the April 2009 letter, initiated by Reps. Robert Wexler and Ed Whitfield, regarding U.S.-Turkey relations? NO
Signed the May 2010 letter initiated by Reps. Steve Cohen and Ed Whitfield AGAINST passage of H.Res.252? NO
Signed the April 2010 letter, initiated by Reps. Russ Carnahan and Ed Whitfield, in support of the Turkey-Armenia Protocols? NO
Signed the April 2009 letter supporting pro-Armenian foreign aid issues? YES
Signed the October 2009 letter supporting pro-Armenian foreign aid issues? YES
Signed the March 2010 letter supporting pro-Armenian foreign aid issues? YES
Signed the April 2010 letter, initiated by Reps. Bill Shuster and Solomon Ortiz, supporting pro-Azerbaijan foreign aid issues? NO
Signed the March 2010 letter to President Obama, initiated by Reps. Bill Shuster and Solomon Ortiz, supporting pro-Azerbaijan issues? NO
Signed the July 2010 letter, initiated by Reps. Bill Shuster and Solomon Ortiz, supporting the nomination of Matt Bryza for U.S. Ambassador to Azerbaijan? NO
Participated in the 2009 Armenian Genocide “Special Order” Speeches on the House Floor? Participated in the 2009 Armenian Genocide “Special Order” Speeches on the House Floor? NO
Participated in the 2010 Armenian Genocide “Special Order” Speeches on the House Floor? YES
Participated in the April 2009 Capitol Hill Armenian Genocide Observance? NO
Participated in the April 2010 Capitol Hill Armenian Genocide Observance? NO
Member of the Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues? YES

07/20/10 - Remarks submitted for the Congressional Record - Madam Speaker, I rise today to commemorate what is now the 36th year since Turkey?s invasion and occupation of the tiny island Republic of Cyprus. On this commemoration last year, I cautioned this chamber that Turkey?s failure to honor democracy, human rights and the rule of law would accelerate Turkey?s drift away from the West, on a course openly adverse to the interests of NATO, America and the European Union.

Over the past year, Turkey?s conduct has validated this concern. To many, this comes as a surprise. Yet, had we been honestly engaged with our NATO ally over the past three and half decades, we would have long ago recognized that the invasion and continued occupation of Cyprus is a symptom of Turkey?s indifference to human rights, religious tolerance and democratic values. That indifference, which is engrained in Turkey?s broader approach to world affairs, makes it an unreliable partner for the United States and a weak link in the NATO alliance.

In the summer of 1974, NATO member Turkey invaded and occupied more than one-third of the island Republic of Cyprus. Coming at the height of the Cold War, and at a time of delicate relations between Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, and the NATO alliance, Turkey?s invasion of Cyprus risked war with NATO member Greece and a resultant rupturing of the NATO alliance.

Adding insult to injury, the weapons used by the Turkish military to invade Cyprus were those of its NATO benefactors, principally the United States. In 1975, the Congress imposed an arms embargo on Turkey for its offensive use of American weapons. Rather than fulfill its NATO obligations, or follow its legal obligations as demanded by Congress, Turkey retaliated by closing all American military installations on Turkish soil, and by severely restricting American access at two NATO bases. At that time, military installations in Turkey were deemed essential surveillance posts in the Cold War fight against the Soviet Union. Turkey refused to reopen these facilities until the U.S. lifted the arms embargo, signaling that its relationship with the United States was never more than a transactional one, rather than one rooted in a shared commitment to the rule of law, individual liberties, democracy, and collective Western security.

July 20th marks 36 years that the Turkish military has occupied Cyprus. In that time, neither the Republic of Cyprus nor its people have directed any aggression towards Turkey. In stark contrast, Turkey maintains an active colonization program where it is illegally resettling some 180,000 Anatolian Turks into the homes and possessions of the 200,000 Greek Cypriots it evicted from the occupied territories. The Turkish military is also systematically eradicating the Hellenic and Christian heritage from the occupied territories. All but 5 of the 500 Greek Orthodox Churches in the occupied territories have been looted, desecrated, or destroyed. To no avail, the international community including the United States, the European Union, the United Nations, the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice have all called on Turkey to honor its international obligations and cease and desist from these hostilities against the people of Cyprus.

The Republic of Cyprus is a full-fledged member of the European Union. Turkey seeks that status as well, but as a NATO member illegally occupying European Union soil, Turkey put NATO and the EU at loggerheads. The result is that the EU and NATO are unable to cooperate in the consolidation of their economic and strategic interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Turkey?s ongoing occupation of Cyprus is compelling evidence that it has little interest in meeting the standards of individual liberties, human rights and religious tolerance shared by America and other democratic nations. Lacking the ties that bind, Turkey is apparently quite willing to jeopardize relations with its long-time allies. Witness its 2003 denial of the deployment of U.S. forces along the Northern Iraq border and its recent vote in the U.N. against Iran sanctions.

The United States and its allies must call upon Turkey to abide by international law and meet its responsibilities as a dependable NATO partner. And on this, the 36th anniversary of the invasion and occupation of Cyprus, the United States should demand an immediate withdrawal of the 45,000 Turkish soldiers now occupying northern Cyprus. Until that occurs, policymakers in the White House and in the Congress must press the issue in every interaction with their Turkish counterparts. In this way, the United States can work towards establishing a strong, enduring, and values based alliance with Turkey that will serve to bring justice to the people of Cyprus, strengthen NATO, and reinforce collective Western security.

07/20/10 - Remarks on the House floor - Mr. Speaker, I rise today in commemoration of the 36th anniversary of the Turkish invasion of Cypress. Turkey?s invasion and continued occupation of this tiny island republic is a symptom of Turkey?s indifference to human rights, religious tolerance, and democratic values.

Today, Turkey continues to illegally resettle some 180,000 Anatolian Turks into the homes and possessions of the 200,000 Greek Cypriots evicted from the occupied territories. The Turkish military is also systematically eradicating Hellenic and Christian heritage, with all but five of the 500 Greek Orthodox Churches located there having been looted, desecrated or destroyed.

On this, the 36th anniversary of the invasion and occupation of Cypress, the United States should demand an immediate withdrawal of the 45,000 Turkish soldiers now occupying northern Cypress, and should continue to press this issue in every interaction with Turkish officials. This will promote a values-based alliance with Turkey that will serve to bring justice to the people of Cypress, strengthen NATO, and reinforce collective western security.

04/27/10 - Article on Huffington Post - Why I support recognition of the Armenian Genocide

April 24th marked the 95th commemoration of the Armenian Genocide, the systematic annihilation of more than 1.5 million Armenians by Ottoman-era Turkish authorities. On March 4, 2010, the House Committee on Foreign Affairs voted in favor of Resolution 252 to recognize the Genocide. The next step is to achieve recognition in the full House of Representatives. The Armenian Genocide, the first of the 20th Century, included massacres, deportations, and death marches where hundreds of thousands were herded into the Syrian Desert to die of thirst and starvation. Without final rites, the remains of these victims lay strewn across the desert in testament to a horrific demise.

Modern-day Turkish authorities sadly have chosen to deny this chapter of Turkish history and have sought every opportunity to discredit the findings of legitimate genocide scholars. Notable scholars and historians who recognize the Armenian Genocide include the International Association of Genocide Scholars and the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity whose opinion is supported by 53 Nobel Laureates. Yet, in the face of all the evidence, Turkey presses on, exporting a legacy of Genocide denial - a legacy ruthlessly enforced within its own borders. In Turkey, anyone who uses the word 'genocide' to describe the massacre of the Armenians is subject to criminal punishment under Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code. The late journalist Hrant Dink was prosecuted under this article, and after being marked as an 'enemy of the state,' was slain in 2007 by a 17-year old Turkish nationalist. In 2005, Orhan Pamuk, Turkey's first Nobel Laureate, was charged with the crime of insulting Turkishness, because he too made mere reference to the Armenian Genocide during an interview. Thankfully, an international outcry spared him from full prosecution.

Affirmative denial of the Armenian Genocide - as well as denial of similar aggression directed in the past at millions of Greeks, Assyrians and other religious minorities -- compromises Turkey's ability to tell the positive story of its economic and political progress in recent years. It also reinforces international perceptions that Turkey is still governed by a repressive impulse - one that continues to be directed at those of its peoples who do not comply with a rigid definition of 'Turkishness.' For years, Turkey has discriminated against its largest ethnic minority by outlawing the Kurdish language, suppressing the Kurdish culture, and officially classifying Kurds as Mountain Turks, or Eastern Turks. Even the religious liberties of Turkey's Muslim majority are subjected to discriminatory state controls.

In Congress, there is significant support for recognizing the Armenian Genocide, but sponsors of a resolution to do just that have been thwarted by Turkey's relentless lobbying campaign. Threatening all manner of retaliation should the resolution pass, Turkey has convinced some members that such action would imperil Turkish-American relations. The United States should be confident enough about the mutual stake both parties have in their relationship to know otherwise. Furthermore, the experience of other nations suggests there is every reason to believe that America's recognition of the Armenian Genocide will ultimately enhance, not damage, its relations with Turkey. The European Parliament and the legislatures of more than twenty countries including Canada, France, Italy, and Russia, have officially recognized the Armenian Genocide. Turkey has not halted its attempts to join the European Union, and its political and economic relationship with each of these countries has only grown since their Genocide recognition.

By speaking candidly to our ally, we can encourage Turkey to face the dark chapters of its past and abandon the destructive ventures of its present, such as the ongoing state-sanctioned discrimination against the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the continued occupation of the Republic of Cyprus and the disenfranchisement of the Kurdish minority. Recognition of the Armenian Genocide can serve as a catalyst in securing Turkey's status as a European democracy worthy of full European Union membership.

I have heard the common refrain: 'It's just not a good time.' That excuse - and it is only an excuse - can always be trotted out based on one or another issue that may be pending between the United States and Turkey. But that excuse ignores the moral imperative to recognize the Genocide and misunderstands that such recognition will actually enhance Turkish-American relations and advance America's strategic interests.

For the sake of its core values and in true furtherance of its strategic interests, the United States must take a deep breath, look its ally Turkey in the eye, and recognize the tragedy of the Armenian Genocide to be an unambiguous fact of history.

04/21/10 - (Mr. SARBANES asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Floor remarks on 95th anniversary of Armenian Genocide. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong support for official U.S. recognition of the Armenian genocide. Notable scholars and historians who recognize the Armenian genocide include the International Association of Genocide Scholars and the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity whose findings are supported by 53 Nobel Laureates. Yet, in the face of all the evidence, Turkey presses on, exporting a legacy of genocide denial, a legacy it continues to enforce within its own borders.

Many of my colleagues express sympathy for the genocide victims but are hesitant to vote for recognition. Turkey's relentless lobbying campaign, which threatens retaliation should the U.S. recognize this historical reality, has had its intended effect. Some Members of Congress worry that recognition will cause irreparable harm to U.S.-Turkish relations and therefore undermine the United States? strategic interests. ?It?s just not a good time? is a common refrain. That excuse is always available, but it is a wholly inadequate excuse.

For the sake of its core values and in true furtherance of its strategic interests, the United States must take a deep breath, look its ally, Turkey, in the eye and recognize this tragic episode of the modern era to be an unambiguous fact of history.
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